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This is not simply the first 100 days of the Trump Administration. This has also been the first 100 days of a powerful and united resistance that has taken to the streets, the courts, and the ballot box, to voice our dissent loud and clear.

On the eve of Trump’s disastrous 100th day in office, Facebook reminded me of a memory that feels like a lifetime ago, even though it’s been only two years. It was a photograph from April 28, 2015 on the steps of the U. S. Supreme Court, as I waited in line to hear GLAD attorney Mary Bonauto argue for the freedom to marry for couples across our country. It was less than six months into my tenure as Executive Director of GLAD, and my face beamed with hope for what we could continue to achieve for the LGBTQ community going forward, if we only dream big. Standing in front of U.S. Supreme Court Fast forward two years, and at the end of Trump’s first 100 days, our community is facing unprecedented attacks. This administration and its accomplices in Congress have
  • rolled back transgender students’ rights
  • accelerated the defunding of Planned Parenthood
  • attempted a Muslim travel ban and targeted Muslim-Americans here at home, and
  • demonized, threatened, and deported immigrants, tearing families apart.
And what lies ahead after day 100 provides cold comfort and little trust:
  • A key advisor to Trump recently reassured opponents of equality that the administration remains committed to rolling back LGBTQ rights, by issuing an executive order that would not only sanction but invite public and private discrimination against LGBTQ people based upon individual religious beliefs.
  • This week brings renewed attempts to repeal the Affordable Care Act, which has provided health care to countless in our communities, particularly transgender individuals and people living with HIV.
  • And the Department of Health and Human Services is threatening to erase LGBT older adults from the National Survey of Older Americans Act Participants, which provides critical data on whether federally-funded aging programs like meals on wheels, family caregiver support, adult daycare, and senior centers are reaching all older adults, including LGBT older adults.
But this is not simply the first 100 days of the Trump Administration. This has also been the first 100 days of a powerful and united resistance that has taken to the streets, the courts, and the ballot box, to voice our dissent loud and clear.

That is how we will fight, and that is how we will win.

It is a resistance that has embraced the intersections and the commonality in our social justice struggles, as well as the power in our diversity. And those connections begin one-on-one. Just yesterday, the Executive Director John Robbins of the Boston chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations Massachusetts (CAIR) and I met to strategize around building a stronger relationship between our two organizations. We came together, because we both understood that we are one justice movement. That is how we will fight, and that is how we will win. Two years ago, I was at the U.S. Supreme Court to hear not only LGBTQ civil rights champion Mary Bonauto argue for our community, but also Solicitor General Donald Verrilli. To have the weight of the executive branch, under President Obama’s leadership, behind our fight for equal protection under the Constitution is a milestone that cannot be overstated. In his argument, Solicitor General Verrilli described how the 2003 victory in the Lawrence gegen Texas Supreme Court case, striking down state anti-sodomy laws, was the catalyst for the nascent marriage equality movement.

Together, we will be a firewall against the attacks aimed at any one of us, while advancing justice for all of us.

When I am feeling hopeless, as I sometimes do, I draw strength thinking of the generations of lawyers and activists who were our movement’s catalysts, despite hostile forces all around them. Their resistance in the 70s, 80s, and 90s sparked a revolution that made it possible for me to stand two years ago – along with so many in our community – at the precipice of history making outside the U.S. Supreme Court. And even as dark as the last 100 days have been, I derive hope from the millions of concerned people across the country who are awake and engaged for social justice. Together, we will be a firewall against the attacks aimed at any one of us, while advancing justice for all of us. Together, we will be the catalysts for the generation of powerful activists and advocates to come.

We want to hear from you: What are you most worried, distressed, and determined about at the end of these first 100 days? Let us know.

Der Blog

For the first time, a federal court of appeals ruled that gay people are protected from employment discrimination under the federal Title VII law.

Tuesday was a day that will go down in history – at least in the history of American law. For the first time, a federal court of appeals ruled – in an 8-3 decision – that gay people are protected from employment discrimination under the federal Title VII law. (The ruling applies in Indiana, Illinois and Wisconsin.) Among other things, Title VII protects against discrimination in employment “because of sex”; and the United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit ruled that sexual orientation discrimination IS sex discrimination under the law.

In the case, Kimberly Hively v. Ivy Tech Community College of Indiana, C.A. No. 15-1720 (April 4, 2017), Ms. Hively alleged that, as a part-time, adjunct professor, she was passed over for at least six full-time positions in a five-year period and that ultimately her contract was not renewed – because she is a lesbian. She filed a claim with the federal Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and then with the federal district court on her own. The federal trial court dismissed her claim – it really had no choice because higher courts had held that the federal law didn’t recognize sexual orientation employment discrimination claims. She appealed, and Lambda Legal came in to represent her before the Seventh Circuit. Now things get interesting. A panel of three judges of the Seventh Circuit heard the case. Because earlier decisions from the Seventh Circuit had said sexual orientation claims could not be brought, the panel was forced to agree. However, two of the judges went on to state their views that the law had become hopelessly confused, trying to distinguish between gender nonconformity claims (that are covered by Title VII and can be brought by gay people) and sexual orientation claims (that are not). So, in overly simplistic terms, if a gay man sued because his boss called him a “girl” all the time, he had a claim; but if the boss called him a “fag,” he was out of luck. Go figure. Well, the panel thought it was time to take a fresh look at this whole question; and that could only be done by a rehearing of the case before all the judges of the Seventh Circuit – 11 of them. Lambda Legal asked for that review – called en banc – and, with amicus brief support from GLAD, NCLR and others, the court agreed (which is rather rare). The case was argued by Greg Nevins of Lambda Legal on November 30, 2016 and on April 4, 2017, the en banc court voted 8-3 to change the rule of the law in the circuit and held “that a person who alleges that she experienced employment discrimination on the basis of her sexual orientation has put forth a case of sex discrimination for Title VII purposes.” This breakthrough has been a long time coming. At least as long ago as 1979, GLAD argued in a Massachusetts case that discrimination against a gay male employee was sex discrimination under Massachusetts law. Macauley v. Mass. Comm. Against Discrimination, 379 Mass. 279 (1979). Our high court said it was not free to adopt that view even though “as a matter of literal meaning, discrimination against homosexuals could be treated as a species of discrimination because of sex” because homosexuality is “sex-linked.” Nonetheless, the court said that the settled view had become that “sex discrimination” meant simply discrimination between men and women. And for 50+ years that view has prevailed. As the Hively court points out, it has been shared by the Seventh Circuit and by nine other of its sister circuits (leaving only two unaccounted for). At the same time, the foundations of this “settled view” have been shaken recently. In 2015, the EEOC announced that it was taking the position that sex discrimination under Title VII includes sexual orientation discrimination. Some courts, like the three-judge panel in Hively, also began to question whether the law had reached a breaking point. And in the recent GLAD case against Walmart, the retailer chose to pursue settlement rather than fight the legal issue of sexual orientation coverage under Title VII. In the end, Tuesday’s Hively decision seems quite simple – a matter of basic common sense. The court was persuaded by three straightforward arguments. First, if Kimberly Hively had been a man in an intimate relationship with a woman, there would have been no problem. However, as a woman, such a relationship created a problem for this school. “This describes paradigmatic sex discrimination,” according to the court. (Opinion, p. 11). Hively is disadvantaged because she is a woman – period. Second, since 1989 and the famous Price Waterhouse case from the Supreme Court, it has been settled that gender stereotyping is a form of sex discrimination under Title VII. Looking at the case through that lens, “Hively represents the ultimate case of failure to conform to the female stereotype (at least as understood in a place such as modern America, which views heterosexuality as the norm and other forms of sexuality as exceptional): she is not heterosexual.” (Opinion, p. 12). As mentioned above, courts had reached the point where they were slicing and dicing cases involving gay people very finely on the evidence of whether the basis for discrimination could be classified as gender stereotyping (“you’re such a girl” or “why can’t you wear a dress”) or as sexual orientation (“hey dyke” or “hey fag”). The court in Hively stated, “Our panel described the line between [these two claims] as gossamer-thin; we conclude that it does not exist at all.” (Opinion, p. 12). Third, in the race context, if a person is discriminated against because of the race of the person she associates with, this is discrimination in violation of Title VII. So, if an employer fires a white person because she is married to an Asian man, she has been discriminated against because of her race. The Hively court said that this theory applies to all categories protected under Title VII, including sex. Therefore, “the essence of the claim” is that the plaintiff would not suffer discrimination if the sex of her intimate associates were different. (Opinion, pp. 18-19). Eight of the judges (mostly Republican appointees) joined in this analysis. Three judges dissented, essentially taking the position of the Massachusetts court from nearly 40 years ago – that this is a matter for the legislature to decide and not a policy judgment for the courts to make. With this dramatic break from the past, we can hope to see more such decisions in the future. Cases were just decided in federal courts of appeals in New York and Georgia where the plaintiffs lost – just like Hively because of prior, binding law – but where judges also wrote that it was time for their full, en banc courts to reconsider the question. The plaintiff in one of those cases has already filed for en banc review, and the plaintiff in the other case is planning to do so soon. GLAD will be filing amicus briefs in support of both of those requests in the hope that both of those courts of appeals will agree to hear these cases and follow the lead of the Seventh Circuit – so that more gay people in more states will have federal nondiscrimination protections in employment. And then we can envision a case at the United States Supreme Court in the not-too-distant future which will resolve this question for the entire country. Another reason – as if we needed one – to remind ourselves how important it is who gets to sit on the Supreme Court!

Der Blog

Tell the Judiciary Committee to ask nominee Judge Gorsuch the questions that matter

Today, confirmation hearings for Supreme Court nominee Judge Neil Gorsuch begin. GLAD will be watching. Will you? Questions for Judge Gorsuch Judge Gorsuch’s writings and judicial record cause us to doubt that he shares a fundamental view of the Constitution: namely that it enshrines certain basic rights for all Americans, including:
  • The right to privacy, bodily autonomy, and self-determination
  • The right to reproductive freedom
  • The right to engage in consensual adult relationships
  • The right to marry
Even worse, we know that he holds extreme views on the rights of individuals and organizations to discriminate in the name of religion. It’s up to all of us to hold the Senate Judiciary Committee to account, and make sure they ask the questions critical to our community. Contact your senators today and urge them to make sure the members of the Judiciary Committee press Judge Gorsuch on these critical issues: his views concerning fundamental rights, the Constitution’s guarantee of equal protection, the role of the courts, religious exemptions, and the relevance of science to judicial decision-making.
Is your senator on the Judiciary Committee?
The future of the Supreme Court and its role in protecting all our rights depends on the answers to these questions. Now more than ever we must be alert and play an active role in sustaining our basic rights. Thank you for standing up and speaking out – and know that we will, too.

Nachricht

From Dominic Holden at BuzzFeed News:

The US Senate should “interrogate” President Donald Trump’s pick for the Supreme Court, several of the country’s top LGBT groups said on Thursday, warning that Judge Neil Gorsuch’s track record raises concerns he opposes same-sex marriage and transgender rights.

In a letter to leading members of the Senate Judiciary Committee obtained by BuzzFeed News, 19 organizations worried Gorsuch may stymie attempts to expand legal protections, saying, “We have concluded that his views on civil rights issues are fundamentally at odds with the notion that LGBT people are entitled to equality, liberty, justice and dignity under the law.”

Read the full article and see the letter here.

Nachricht

Im Jahr 2015 erwirkten wir vor dem Obersten Gerichtshof ein richtungsweisendes Urteil, das gleichgeschlechtlichen Paaren in den gesamten Vereinigten Staaten den gleichen Zugang zur Ehe und zu allen mit der Ehe verbundenen Rechten, Vorteilen und Pflichten garantiert.

Aber die Gegner der Gleichberechtigung haben nicht aufgehört, sich gegen dieses Urteil zu wehren, und wir haben in allen Staaten Versuche erlebt, das zu untergraben, was Obergefell also eindeutig garantiert.

Ein solcher Versuch war die Weigerung einiger Bundesstaaten, die Namen beider Elternteile in die Geburtsurkunde eines verheirateten gleichgeschlechtlichen Paares aufzunehmen. Obwohl die meisten dieser Versuche von den Gerichten blockiert wurden, griff der Oberste Gerichtshof von Arkansas kürzlich diese Position auf und versuchte, ihr Substanz zu verleihen. Die verheirateten gleichgeschlechtlichen Paare im Fall Arkansas bitten den Obersten Gerichtshof der USA, ihren Fall anzuhören und das Urteil aufzuheben.

This week, GLAD submitted two amicus briefs to the U.S. Supreme Court asserting the right of married same-sex couples to have both parents’ names listed on the birth certificates of their children.  GLAD is counsel on one brief, representing 54 family law professors.  GLAD is an amicus on the second brief, filed jointly with Lambda Legal.

In den Schriftsätzen wird argumentiert, dass ein Urteil des Obersten Gerichtshofs des Staates Arkansas, das verheirateten gleichgeschlechtlichen Paaren das Recht verweigert, den nicht-biologischen Elternteil in der Geburtsurkunde eines Kindes eintragen zu lassen, wenn Ehemänner in einer verschiedengeschlechtlichen Beziehung routinemäßig als „Vater“ eingetragen werden – einschließlich in Fällen, in denen es um assistierte Reproduktion geht –, die Anforderung sowohl in Obergefell Und Windsor dass gleichgeschlechtliche Paare zu denselben Bedingungen wie verschiedengeschlechtliche Paare Zugang zur Ehe und zu „den Leistungen haben, die die Staaten mit der Ehe verknüpft haben“.

Der Oberste Gerichtshof von Arkansas versuchte, diese Diskriminierung mit der Begründung zu verschleiern, Geburtsurkunden dienten der Erfassung von Informationen über die biologischen Eltern und die biologischen Gründe rechtfertigten eine unterschiedliche Behandlung verheirateter gleichgeschlechtlicher Paare. Doch Geburtsurkunden sind in Arkansas wie in anderen Bundesstaaten wichtige Dokumente zur rechtlichen Abstammung, nicht zur biologischen.

Wenn nicht beide Eltern in der Geburtsurkunde eines Kindes aufgeführt werden, entsteht ein echter, nachweisbarer Schaden. Dadurch werden die Kinder und ihre Familien nicht nur in den Status zweiter Klasse versetzt, sondern es werden ihnen auch viele wichtige Schutzmaßnahmen vorenthalten, wie etwa die Möglichkeit, dass beide Elternteile wichtige oder zeitkritische Entscheidungen über die medizinische Versorgung treffen können, oder der Zugang des Kindes zu staatlichen und bundesstaatlichen Leistungen, die möglicherweise über den nicht genannten Elternteil erfolgen.

In Arkansas, wie auch in anderen Bundesstaaten, wird davon ausgegangen, dass Kinder aus einer Ehe als Kinder beider Ehepartner gelten – auch in Fällen, in denen das Kind durch künstliche Befruchtung geboren wurde. Indem der Bundesstaat Arkansas gleichgeschlechtliche Ehepaare unterschiedlich behandelt, versucht er, die klaren Anforderungen von Obergefell: dass gleichgeschlechtliche Paare zu gleichen Bedingungen Zugang zur Ehe haben, einschließlich aller mit der Ehe verbundenen Rechte.

Wir schließen uns der Forderung an den Obersten Gerichtshof an, dieses gefährliche Urteil des Obersten Gerichtshofs von Arkansas zu überprüfen und aufzuheben. Der Gerichtshof muss rasch und klar bekräftigen Obergefell's klare Forderung nach gleicher Würde und Gleichbehandlung aller verheirateten Paare und erinnert die Parlamente und Gerichte der Bundesstaaten nachdrücklich daran, dass jegliche gegenteilige Handlung falsch ist und den klaren Anweisungen des Gerichts widerspricht.

Die Petenten in Pavan gegen Smith are two married same-sex Arkansas couples represented by the National Center for Lesbian Rights. The Family Law Professors brief was authored by Foley Hoag, GLAD, Joan Hollinger and Courtney G. Joslin of UC Davis School of Law. The joint brief of Lambda Legal and GLAD was authored by Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher.

Read more about Pavan gegen Smith Hier.

Pavan gegen Smith

Verteidigung Obergefell angesichts des anhaltenden Widerstands gegen Gleichberechtigung

Sieg! Der Oberste Gerichtshof der USA hob am 26. Juni kurzerhand die Entscheidung des Obersten Gerichtshofs des Staates Arkansas, die es gleichgeschlechtlichen Ehepaaren untersagte, die Namen beider Ehepartner in die Geburtsurkunden ihrer Kinder einzutragen.

Mit der Aufhebung des Arkansas-Urteils bekräftigte das Gericht ObergefellDie eindeutige Forderung, dass Staaten alle verheirateten Paare gleich behandeln müssen, einschließlich der Gewährung gleichen Zugangs zu allen Rechten, Vorteilen und Pflichten der Ehe.

Die Kläger in Pavan gegen Smith sind zwei verheiratete gleichgeschlechtliche Paare aus Arkansas, die vom National Center for LGBTQ Rights vertreten werden.

Hintergrund

Im Jahr 2015 erwirkten wir vor dem Obersten Gerichtshof ein richtungsweisendes Urteil, das gleichgeschlechtlichen Paaren in den gesamten Vereinigten Staaten den gleichen Zugang zur Ehe und zu allen mit der Ehe verbundenen Rechten, Vorteilen und Pflichten garantiert.

Aber die Gegner der Gleichberechtigung haben nicht aufgehört, sich gegen dieses Urteil zu wehren, und wir haben in allen Staaten Versuche erlebt, das zu untergraben, was Obergefell also eindeutig garantiert.

Ein solcher Versuch war die Weigerung einiger Bundesstaaten, die Namen beider Elternteile in die Geburtsurkunde eines verheirateten gleichgeschlechtlichen Paares aufzunehmen. Obwohl die meisten dieser Versuche von den Gerichten blockiert wurden, griff der Oberste Gerichtshof von Arkansas kürzlich diese Position auf und versuchte, ihr Substanz zu verleihen. Die verheirateten gleichgeschlechtlichen Paare im Fall Arkansas bitten den Obersten Gerichtshof der USA, ihren Fall anzuhören und das Urteil aufzuheben.

GLAD reichte beim Obersten Gerichtshof der USA zwei Amicus Curiae-Schriftsätze ein, in denen das Recht verheirateter gleichgeschlechtlicher Paare geltend gemacht wird, die Namen beider Elternteile in den Geburtsurkunden ihrer Kinder eintragen zu lassen. GLAD fungiert als Rechtsberater für einen dieser Schriftsätze und vertritt 54 Professoren für Familienrecht. GLAD fungiert als Amicus Curiae-Schriftsatz für den zweiten Schriftsatz, der gemeinsam mit Lambda Legal eingereicht wurde.

In den Schriftsätzen wird argumentiert, dass ein Urteil des Obersten Gerichtshofs des Staates Arkansas, das verheirateten gleichgeschlechtlichen Paaren das Recht verweigert, den nicht-biologischen Elternteil in der Geburtsurkunde eines Kindes eintragen zu lassen, wenn Ehemänner in einer verschiedengeschlechtlichen Beziehung routinemäßig als „Vater“ eingetragen werden – einschließlich in Fällen, in denen es um assistierte Reproduktion geht –, die Anforderung sowohl in Obergefell Und Windsor dass gleichgeschlechtliche Paare zu denselben Bedingungen wie verschiedengeschlechtliche Paare Zugang zur Ehe und zu „den Leistungen haben, die die Staaten mit der Ehe verknüpft haben“.

Der Oberste Gerichtshof von Arkansas versuchte, diese Diskriminierung mit der Begründung zu verschleiern, Geburtsurkunden dienten der Erfassung von Informationen über die biologischen Eltern und die biologischen Gründe rechtfertigten eine unterschiedliche Behandlung verheirateter gleichgeschlechtlicher Paare. Doch Geburtsurkunden sind in Arkansas wie in anderen Bundesstaaten wichtige Dokumente zur rechtlichen Abstammung, nicht zur biologischen.

Wenn nicht beide Eltern in der Geburtsurkunde eines Kindes aufgeführt werden, entsteht ein echter, nachweisbarer Schaden. Dadurch werden die Kinder und ihre Familien nicht nur in den Status zweiter Klasse versetzt, sondern es werden ihnen auch viele wichtige Schutzmaßnahmen vorenthalten, wie etwa die Möglichkeit, dass beide Elternteile wichtige oder zeitkritische Entscheidungen über die medizinische Versorgung treffen können, oder der Zugang des Kindes zu staatlichen und bundesstaatlichen Leistungen, die möglicherweise über den nicht genannten Elternteil erfolgen.

In Arkansas, wie auch in anderen Bundesstaaten, wird davon ausgegangen, dass Kinder aus einer Ehe als Kinder beider Ehepartner gelten – auch in Fällen, in denen das Kind durch künstliche Befruchtung geboren wurde. Indem der Bundesstaat Arkansas gleichgeschlechtliche Ehepaare unterschiedlich behandelt, versucht er, die klaren Anforderungen von Obergefell: dass gleichgeschlechtliche Paare zu gleichen Bedingungen Zugang zur Ehe haben, einschließlich aller mit der Ehe verbundenen Rechte.

Wir schließen uns der Forderung an den Obersten Gerichtshof an, dieses gefährliche Urteil des Obersten Gerichtshofs von Arkansas zu überprüfen und aufzuheben. Der Gerichtshof muss rasch und klar bekräftigen Obergefell's klare Forderung nach gleicher Würde und Gleichbehandlung aller verheirateten Paare und erinnert die Parlamente und Gerichte der Bundesstaaten nachdrücklich daran, dass jegliche gegenteilige Handlung falsch ist und den klaren Anweisungen des Gerichts widerspricht.

Die Petenten in Pavan gegen Smith sind zwei verheiratete gleichgeschlechtliche Paare aus Arkansas, die vom National Center for LGBTQ Rights vertreten werden. Das Schriftstück der Family Law Professors wurde von Foley Hoag, GLAD, Joan Hollinger und Courtney G. Joslin von der UC Davis School of Law verfasst. Das gemeinsame Schriftstück von Lambda Legal und GLAD wurde von Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher verfasst.

Nachricht

Statement of GLAD Executive Director Janson Wu on States’ Amicus Brief in Gloucester County School Board v. G.G:

I’m incredibly proud to see the Attorneys General of all six New England states standing up for the rights and safety of transgender students by signing on to this powerful brief before the U.S. Supreme Court.

Freedom and equality are strong New England values, and the region has long been a leader in protecting the equal rights of all residents. I’m thrilled to once again see Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Vermont firmly on the right side of history when it comes to the rights of transgender people.

The New England Attorneys General joined those from twelve other states and Washington D.C. in a brief urging the Supreme Court to rule in favor of Virginia transgender high school student Gavin Grimm in his challenge to a school board policy barring him from using the boys’ restroom at school. The states told the Court: “Discrimination against transgender people has no legitimate basis, and serves only to injure a group that is feared for being different.”

Gavin Grimm is represented by the ACLU. The Court is set to hear oral argument in the case on March 28. The states’ brief can be read Hier.

GLAD’s G.G. Amicus Brief Soundly Rebuts Gloucester School Board’s Privacy Argument

GLBTQ Legal Advocates & Defenders (GLAD) joined with partner organization, National Center for Lesbian Rights, and others today in filing an Amicus Brief with the United States Supreme Court in the case Gloucester County School Board v. G.G, soundly rebutting the School Board’s argument that its discriminatory action barring Gavin Grimm from using the boys’ restroom at his high school is justified by privacy concerns.

The brief makes three principle points:

  • There is no privacy right of other boys that is violated when a transgender boy uses the boys’ student restroom.
  • Nothing in Title IX’s language can be read to authorize an unwritten privacy exception that defeats a transgender boy’s equal access to all school facilities, including restrooms.
  • The fact that schools that want to enhance students’ privacy in restrooms can easily do so demonstrates that the alternative measure adopted here – a Board policy excluding transgender students, and only transgender students, from using the shared facility – is unlawful discrimination.

There is no privacy right held by other boys to avoid sharing a restroom with a transgender boy

“Supposed ‘universally accepted norms’ cannot justify discrimination against an unpopular minority,” said Jennifer L. Levi, Transgender Rights Project Director at GLAD. “Gavin is a boy, plain and simple. There is no privacy right held by other boys to avoid sharing a restroom with a transgender boy.”

The brief argues that the School Board is attempting to defend its discriminatory treatment of Gavin by invoking unsubstantiated stereotypes and fears, and that it is precisely that kind of disparagement and indignity that Title IX is intended to prevent. It goes on to explain that the “wealth of experience showing that transgender people across the country use the same restrooms as others of the same gender… powerfully rebuts the School Board’s unsupported claim that permitting transgender persons to use public restrooms violates universally accepted social norms about privacy.”

“Social norms may describe behavior, but when they mask discrimination, we must look beyond them to see what is really going on,” added Levi. “In this case, the Board is relying on presumptions around social norms to justify its mistreatment of a student at school. Social norms no more justify the school’s conduct in this case than they do in cases involving discrimination against women, religious or racial minorities, or gay, lesbian, and bisexual people.”

“Further, if the School Board’s true interest is in enhancing the privacy of students, there are plenty of non-discriminatory methods to do so.”

The brief, written by Levi, Shannon Minter of the National Center for Lesbian Rights (NCLR), and Dean Richlin, Amanda Hainsworth, Rachel Hutchinson, and Emily J. Nash of Foley Hoag, LLP, was submitted on behalf of GLAD, NCLR, the National Center for Transgender Equality, FORGE, Transgender Law & Policy Institute, and the Trans People of Color Coalition.

Gavin Grimm is represented by the ACLU. The Court is set to hear oral argument in the case on March 28.

Pidgeon v. Turner

Update December 4, 2017:  Today the U.S. Supreme Court denied the petition for review, and the case will continue through the Texas court.

Update October 20, 2017: GLAD and NCLR submitted an amicus brief requesting the Court grant cert in this case.

The Texas State Supreme Court issued its ruling June 30, 2017, in Pidgeon v. Turner, in which petitioners have challenged the City of Houston’s provision of benefits to the same-sex spouses of city employees. The court vacated a trial court injunction which would have barred the City from providing the benefits. But the court also sent the case – which dates to before the 2015 U.S. Supreme Court marriage equality ruling in Obergefell gegen Hodges – back to the trial court to consider whether Obergefell settles the question of the City’s power to issue the benefits. This overly cautious, technical approach ignores the obvious and only correct result of this litigation.

Mary L. Bonauto, Civil Rights Project Director for GLBTQ Legal Advocates & Defenders (GLAD), who argued Obergefell before the U.S. Supreme Court, issued the following statement:

“While the immediate and, I am confident, eventual final result here is that married same-sex couples in Houston and throughout Texas will continue to receive the equal treatment – including equal access to spousal benefits – the U.S. Constitution guarantees them, I am profoundly disappointed that the Texas Supreme Court did not take the opportunity it had today to resolve this case once and for all.

“The U.S. Supreme Court in Obergefell unambiguously recognized the fundamental and equal right to marry for same-sex couples nationwide, together with access to all the same legal rights, benefits and responsibilities associated with marriage without discrimination – a recognition the Court, in fact, just re-affirmed this week in Pavan gegen Smith. For the Texas court to leave open the possibility that Obergefell could be read otherwise is, plainly, wrong.”

Mehr lesen

Hintergrund

GLAD, Lambda Legal, the National Center for LGBTQ Rights, the ACLU of Texas and the ACLU foundation submitted an amicus brief in Pidgeon v. Turner, a case that went before the Texas Supreme Court challenging the City of Houston’s provision of benefits to married same-sex couples.

The brief argues that this matter was settled by the U.S. Supreme Court in its 2015 ruling in Obergefell, which clearly stated that same-sex couples must be granted access to marriage on the same terms as different-sex couples, including the same legal rights, benefits and responsibilities.

Nachricht

GLAD Statement in Response to DOJ Action on Transgender Students

At the end of last week, the Department of Justice (DOJ) filed a motion with a federal appeals court signaling the agency’s retreat from the previous administration’s vigorous efforts to protect transgender students’ rights to equal treatment in schools. GLBTQ Legal Advocates & Defenders (GLAD) expressed deep concern about this legal development and, specifically, what it means about the Department of Education’s commitment to protecting all students, including transgender students. GLAD issued the following statement from Jennifer Levi, Transgender Rights Project Director: “Whatever next steps this administration takes, we stand ready to go to court and fight for transgender students’ rights to equal educational opportunities. No shift in federal agency strategy or policy changes the fact that the U.S. Constitution, federal laws including Title IX, and a growing number of state laws and local school policies protect the rights of transgender students. “Transgender youth, like all youth, have the right to an education. That includes a fully inclusive educational environment with access to the same facilities, and opportunities, as all other students. “GLAD will continue to stand with students and their families to assert their rights and ensure that schools meet their responsibility to support and affirm transgender students.” GLAD urges students facing discrimination, exclusion, or unequal treatment at their schools to contact GLAD Answers www.gladanswers.org
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