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消息

To mark Veterans Day and as part of our ongoing fight against the transgender military ban, GLAD and NCLR have worked with Kylar Broadus and Transgender People of Color Coalition on a project to highlight stories of transgender veterans (and service members) of color.

Please join us at www.notransmilitaryban.org/stories 了解更多信息。

stories of service: transgender veterans of color

Protecting DACA for Undocumented LGBTQ People

September 30, 2019: GLAD signed onto documentation in support of the Deferred Action for Children Arrivals. LGBTQ API DACA recipients will face criminal penalties, imprisonment, discrimination, and violence (including death) if they are removed to their countries of birth. The tens of thousands of LGBTQ DACA recipients, especially those who publicly identified themselves as such, will be at increased risk for discrimination and mistreatment if DACA is rescinded.

Read the Brief from NQAPIA and other organizations:

GLAD Condemns Trump Administration Plan to Allow Discrimination by Tax Payer Funded Foster and Adoption Agencies

Today the Trump administration announced a proposed new Health and Human Services rule permitting, among other things, discrimination by taxpayer-funded adoption and foster agencies. The proposed rule would allow agencies to turn away potential foster or adoptive parents based on their sexual orientation, gender identity, or because a couple is in a same-sex marriage.

“What children need is supportive care and a safe and affirming home,” said GLAD Senior Staff Attorney Polly Crozier. “This proposed rule not only harms children by reducing the number of potential homes available at a time when there is such incredible need, but it also sends a devastating message to LGBTQ youth in care that they themselves are not worthy.  We know that LGBTQ youth, and especially LGBTQ youth of color are overrepresented in the child welfare system. This policy perpetuates bias and stigma that will hurt those young people. Our taxpayer-funded support systems must be focused on helping, not harming, children.”

 

 

博客

10 years ago, I married my husband Adam on National Coming Out Day, October 11. We married in Massachusetts, which at the time of our planning, was the only state that would allow us to marry, thanks to GLAD’s landmark victory in 古德里奇诉公共卫生部. We exchanged our vows publicly, as a gay couple, witnessed by our community of friends and family, some of whom we had only come out to very recently.

None of this would have been possible if so many other LGBTQ people hadn’t courageously come out before us. Our brave queer ancestors who lived out loud and fought for survival, and for the freedom to live and love as themselves, paved the path that Adam and I eventually walked down in order to marry.

We’ve come far, and we have plenty to celebrate on this National Coming Out Day. But for too many in the LGBTQ community coming out still presents substantial risks.

Risks, for example, to transgender servicemembers who now risk discharge if they come out under the Trump-Pence administration’s cruel and baseless transgender military ban.

Or risks to people like Aimee Stephens, Don Zarda, and Gerald Bostock, whose cases were heard by the U.S. Supreme Court this week, because they were each fired for coming out as either transgender or gay. Unfortunately, too many LGBTQ Americans must still choose between being honest about who they are, and keeping their jobs and livelihoods.

And now the U.S. Supreme Court is being urged by our opponents, including the Department of Justice, to strip away protections and leave LGBTQ workers out in the cold.

Every person should be able to choose for themselves whether and when to come out. For too many, particularly for those most vulnerable in our community, the risks of coming out remain incredibly high. And for some, the choice of whether to come out itself is a privilege they do not have. For those whose identities as LGBTQ are visible or presumed, and targeted, the combination can lead to tragic, even deadly, results. The nearly daily reports of violence against transgender women of color are a stark reminder of that fact.

GLAD is fighting for a world where every person can come out without fear of discrimination, harassment, or violence. That begins with ensuring that our laws not only protect those who choose to come out, but also send a message of acceptance of all our identities. And by creating a climate where more and more in our community can come out, we also expand public acceptance amongst those who are being exposed to the reality of who we are, and our shared humanity, for the first time.

Coming out can still be both a risk factor and a survival tactic. It’s incumbent upon all of us, LGBTQ or not, to work each and every day to create a climate where being LGBTQ is no longer stigmatized, and where coming out is a celebrated affirmation of our shared and diverse humanity.

ED Janson Wu photo from wedding. Husband on right, suits and ties outside in beautiful weather with leafy trees behind.

 

消息

GLAD has joined amicus briefs opposing new Department of Homeland Security regulations that upend the standards for determinations of who qualifies as a “public charge.” This change will disproportionately harm LGBTQ people and people of color who have immigrated to the US, including those who are elderly, pregnant, survivors of intimate partner violence, or have disabilities.

The briefs were filed in the La Clinica de la Raza, State of California, Make the Road New York, 和 State of New York cases September 10, 2019.

La Clinica de la Raza Amicus Brief

Make the Road New York Amicus Brief

State of California Amicus Brief

State of New York Amicus Brief

Opposing the new “Public Charge” rules

September 11, 2019: GLAD has joined a friend-of-the-court (amicus) brief with Asian Americans Advancing Justice, Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund, National Women’s Law Center and others in support of Plaintiff’s motion for preliminary injunction.

The Trump Administration has modified the current standards for a “public charge” in immigration policy. Currently the “public charge” definition pertains to primary dependency on the government, narrowly focused on people primarily dependent on the government through cash assistance or institutionalization for long-term care. Broadening the definition to include immigrants who could potentially be dependent on government assistance in the future further targets specific groups of immigrating people. This change would have a chilling effect that disproportionately impacts people of color, particularly women of color.

Read the full brief here.

消息

LGBTQ群体再次来到美国最高法院。这一次,事关职场非歧视的基本原则——你不应该仅仅因为你的身份而被拒绝工作、在工作中遭受虐待或失去工作。目前,联邦法律中的性别歧视保护措施涵盖了许多LGBTQ员工,但只有不到一半的美国州制定了明确保护LGBTQ群体的反歧视法。最高法院现在可能发明将LGBTQ群体排除在联邦职场非歧视法之外,这令我们所有人都感到担忧,其影响可能超越职场,延伸至医疗保健、住房和教育等领域。

我们是如何走到这一步的?我们之所以走到这一步,是因为LGBTQ群体的工作者们,无论资历和绩效如何,仅仅因为他们的身份,就不断被解雇。没有人能够免受就业歧视的困扰,有些人甚至更容易受到歧视,包括许多有色人种、移民和从事低薪工作的人。歧视严重损害了工作者及其家庭的经济稳定,也损害了那些因为LGBTQ身份而被认为不值得尊重的人的尊严。

本院受理的三起案件表明了这一问题依然存在。其中两起案件: Zarda 诉 Altitude Express博斯托克诉乔治亚州克莱顿县,员工因是同性恋而被解雇。第二巡回上诉法院判决员工唐·扎达胜诉,他因向一位跳伞客户出柜而被解雇。但在第二起案件中,第十一巡回上诉法院判决雇主克莱顿县胜诉,杰拉尔德·博斯托克败诉。博斯托克是一位备受尊敬的法院儿童福利服务协调员,他在加入一个同性恋垒球联盟时遇到麻烦,并因“行为不当”被解雇。在第三起案件中, 艾米·斯蒂芬斯诉哈里斯殡仪馆案一名跨性别女性向雇主坦白后被解雇。第六巡回上诉法院判决斯蒂芬斯胜诉。

多年来,LGBTQ 法律运动一直援引联邦《民权法案》第七章来打击这种歧视,并主张对 LGBTQ 群体的歧视是“基于个人性别”的歧视。换句话说,我们一直在主张并日益赢得这样的主张:我们受到国家民权法的保护。(联邦法律也禁止因种族、肤色、国籍或宗教信仰而歧视个人,其他法律也为残障人士提供保护。)

特朗普政府司法部(DOJ)对雇员以及对我们民权法的简单而有力的解读提出了质疑。他们在法院审理的案件中支持雇主,并认为由于存在反LGBTQ歧视,LGBTQ群体应该被排除在《第七章》的保护范围之外。

同性恋者反歧视联盟 (GLAD) 与美国公民自由联盟(ACLU,在三起案件中担任其中两起的律师)以及其他 LGBTQ 团体合作,协助最高法院制定并实施了这些案件的“法庭之友”辩护策略。我们依赖法律解读的黄金标准:第七章的文本以及最高法院长期以来对其的解读表明,反 LGBTQ 歧视是“基于个人性别的歧视”。最高法院没有理由修改法律,将 LGBTQ 群体排除在外。

除了代表员工的辩护状外,还有四位法庭之友的辩护状——两位法学教授、一位美国政府前最高法院律师、一位曾在共和党政府任职的共和党人和保守派人士——根据法律的字面意思精确地阐述了论点。

试想一下,从概念上来说,对 LGBTQ 人士的歧视无法在不提及性别的情况下进行定义或理解,因此“因为”某人的 LGBTQ 身份而采取的行动必然会考虑到性别。扎尔达 (Zarda) 和博斯托克 (Bostock) 因其性取向而被解雇,也就是说,因为他们是与男性约会的男性。艾米·斯蒂芬斯 (Aimee Stephens) 失去了在殡仪馆的工作,因为她的雇主“将她归类为男性”。每个案例中歧视性待遇的原因都在于员工的“性别”。如果扎尔达 (Zarda) 和博斯托克 (Bostock) 是与男性约会的女性,她们就不会被解雇;如果斯蒂芬斯 (Stephens) 出生时被指定为女性,她们也不会被解雇。最高法院最早的第七章案件, 菲利普斯诉马丁·玛丽埃塔公司案,建立了一个简单的歧视测试标准——“如果一个人的性别不同,其待遇就会不同。”这适用于法庭上的所有三名员工。

此外,自 1989 年 普华永道 在有利于一名女性的裁决中,她因“不够女性化”而被一家会计师事务所拒绝成为合伙人,法律规定基于性别刻板印象的歧视就是性别歧视。正如最高法院在那项裁决中所说,“雇主通过假设或坚持认为员工符合其群体相关的刻板印象来评估员工的时代已经过去了。”法院确认性别歧视涵盖性别和社会角色,这必然也说明了对 LGBTQ 人群的歧视。对于跨性别者来说,不仅存在关于男性和女性应该如何认同、外表和行为的刻板印象,而且还有 155 万人在出生时被指定为特定性别,但他们的认同、外表或行为与指定的性别不一致。在 Stephens 案中,殡仪馆馆长说,“男性应该看起来像个男人”;下级法院正确地驳回了这种作为解雇 Aimee Stephens 的理由。在扎尔达案中,下级法院直接将关于性取向的刻板印象视为性别歧视,称“如果雇主基于女性无法[被其他女性吸引]或女性一定不能被其他女性吸引的信念而采取行动,那么其行为就是基于性别。” 尽管这些论点(以及其他论点)都基于法律条文和最高法院的判例,但雇主和美国司法部长表示,“性别”是指基于出生时指定的性别而对男性和女性的不同待遇,并且“性别”在1964年不可能被理解为指代LGBTQ人群。但正如著名历史学家和语言学家的法庭之友意见书所表明的那样,在1964年,“性别”是一个宽泛的术语,在工作场所被理解为禁止性别角色的期望。由于LGBTQ人群与这种性别不符的现象联系在一起,因此执法该法律的联邦机构实际上在该法律通过后的最初几年就处理了LGBTQ人士的投诉。

但即使雇主和司法部认为1964年的“性别”仅仅指出生时被指定的性别,也无助于他们赢得诉讼。即使他们如此解释,扎尔达和博斯托克被解雇是因为他们是与男性约会的男性,而如果他们是与男性约会的女性就不会被解雇,而斯蒂芬斯被解雇是因为雇主关注她出生时被指定的性别,这一点依然成立。

所有这些都表明,法官或公众对1964年法律的预期涵盖范围在分析上并不重要,重要的是它通过文本、最高法院的解释和国会的修订所代表的含义。正如斯卡利亚大法官在一个案件中所写,他承认男性可以根据《第七章》对其他男性提起性骚扰诉讼(而且1964年性骚扰并不被认为属于性别歧视),我们的法律“常常超越了主要弊端,涵盖了相当程度的弊端”,并且“我们受制于我们的法律,而不是立法者的主要关切”。

随着雇主及其支持者提交的简报,法院显然正遭受着大量的恐吓,这并不令人意外——这些论点的核心在于否认一些简单的事实,即有些人是 LGBTQ,不会因为我们的身份而对任何人构成威胁。其他支持雇主的简报则提出了担忧,即除非法院将 LGBTQ 人群排除在第七章之外,否则宗教组织和个人将不得不遵守非歧视规定,即使目前已有有限的豁免。这显然是在向法院恳求,要求法院拒绝将 LGBTQ 人群纳入法律范围,而不是简单地适用国会先前通过的第七章中精心制定的宗教豁免条款,这些条款适用于所有其他受该法律保护的人群。

以下是为支持员工而提交的 47 份简报的部分内容:

关于第七章文本和含义的简报

  • Amici 简报 全国妇女法律中心 以及来自 反歧视学者 解决了性别刻板印象的论点——LGBTQ 人群的行为举止不符合其出生时指定的性别——这与最高法院的判例和国会对第七章的更新相一致。
  • GLAD 和 NCLR和 Wilmer Hale 律师事务所也提交了一份关于教义的简报,引用了全国各地的混乱判决,以表明“性别”和 LGBTQ 歧视之间没有法律上可行的区别。
  • Lambda Legal 提交了两份简报(这里这里)探讨了LGBTQ员工胜诉案件中司法异议意见的分析缺陷。添加两个链接,因为他们分别提交了案情摘要。
  • 政府实体, 包括 国会议员, 和 他们认为,第七章的性别歧视条款已经涵盖了 LGBTQ 人群。
  • 跨性别法律中心 和其他 44 个团体认为,跨性别者在工作中受到虐待以及跨性别后被解雇的现象普遍存在,这本身就是一种性别歧视。
  • 跨性别法律辩护和教育基金 针对艾米·斯蒂芬斯 (Aimee Stephens) 的前雇主所提出的性别根植于解剖学和生理学、重点关注生殖器官的观点。

简报解决影响

  • 法律下的公民权利律师委员会、民权和人权领袖会议和其他 57 个民权组织谈到了为什么该法律将 LGBTQ 人群纳入其中,以及将 LGBTQ 人群排除在第七章之外将最直接地伤害有色人种女性。
  • 美国现代军事协会 和美国跨性别退伍军人协会讨论了歧视对跨性别军人家庭的影响。
  • 简介 206家企业,以及另一个 商业组织,包括商会,提出这一申请是因为雇主对劳动力多样性的兴趣,并且因为雇员和雇主都需要在应用我们国家反歧视法时保持一致性和确定性。
  • 对于工党来说, SEIU、卡车司机兄弟会和Jobs With Justice 支持性别刻板印象理论适用于这些案例,并指出在传统男性主导的职业中,对女性的歧视往往表现为基于性取向和性别认同的问题。 美国劳工联合会-产业工会联合会 指出对 LGBTQ 员工实施性别歧视如何帮助仲裁员和雇主更加严肃地对待工作场所的反 LGBTQ 骚扰,包括因正当理由解雇。

该案将于 2019 年 10 月 8 日进行口头辩论,法院可能会在 2020 年 1 月至 6 月之间的某个时间做出裁决。

我们的反歧视法旨在确保人人享有更大的公平与平等。最高法院对此案的裁决可能会影响就业之外一系列领域对性别歧视的解读,包括医疗保健、住房和教育。这些案件中的雇主实际上是在要求最高法院通过虚构将LGBTQ群体排除在我们的联邦民权法之外的做法,向后退了一大步。

在我们密切关注法院判决并准备作出回应的同时,无论结果如何,我们现在都可以采取行动,按下 参议院 并要求全国各地的州立法机构颁布法律,例如联邦《平等法案》和我们现有的新英格兰反歧视法,明确地保护 LGBTQ 人群在生活的各个方面。

Mathena v. Malvo

GLAD Law has signed onto an amicus brief in support of Lee Boyd Malvo, whose successful habeas petition to be re-sentenced following the USSC decision in Miller v Alabama is being challenged by the Commonwealth of Virginia. Virginia is essentially arguing that Malvo’s life without parole sentence–imposed after a capital jury declined to sentence him to death–was a discretionary rather than mandatory sentence and thus outside Miller’s mandate. Juvenile Law Center’s amicus brief will urge the Supreme Court to abide by its holdings in MillerMontgomery that only youth found to be permanently incorrigible are eligible for life without parole sentences and that this determination has yet to be made regarding Malvo.

消息

GLAD strongly opposes the proposed regulation that changes the interpretation of Section 1557 of the Affordable Healthcare Act that would eliminate existing critical protections for LGBT people, especially transgender people, and people living with HIV. Our nation has a long and shameful history of discrimination on the basis of an individual’s sexual orientation or gender identity, including in healthcare. While lesbian, gay, and bisexual people have frequently been refused medical care based on the view that their sexual orientation is pathological or immoral, transgender people have been subjected to particularly pernicious discrimination across all sectors of the healthcare industry. For many years, healthcare providers and insurers refused to recognize gender dysphoria as a valid medical condition and improperly categorized medically necessary treatment, including hormone therapy and gender affirming surgeries, as cosmetic or experimental. This shocking lack of access to medical care resulted in profound debilitation and suffering.

You can read the public comment in full here.

Statement on the Violence in El Paso and Dayton

This weekend saw two more mass shootings in the U.S. – one in Dayton, OH and the other in El Paso, TX. While we have not yet learned the motivation behind the violence in Dayton, the El Paso suspect allegedly posted a xenophobic, anti-Hispanic manifesto in an online forum. This follows an all-too-familiar pattern of race-motivated violence on our communities, emboldened by toxic, anti-immigrant sentiments straight from the top of our government.

Violence against the Latinx community directly impacts our LGBTQ family – which includes immigrants, Latinx and people of color. We send our deepest condolences to the victims of Sunday’s shootings, and their loved ones in the US, in Mexico, and beyond.

The sadness we feel for our fellow Americans is compounded with the frustration that these shootings continue to hurt our communities with no reasoned legislative or policy response in sight. While it can feel hard to keep moving forward, we cannot afford to be complacent. Along with common sense gun safety reform, we must continue to call out racism and xenophobia in all its forms. The Trump presidency has fanned the flames of white supremacy – what once was quietly smoldering in our country is now loud and proud. But they are still few – and with our movements united, we are many.

Especially now, we must continue to strive towards a better and more compassionate country for all of us.

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